Instead, its importance lies in the fact that, for generations of displaced Haitians living in Cuba, cultural performances like Gagá provided a tangible link to an identity that had been devalued within the society. What makes Grupo Barranca’s performance significant for our current consideration is not so much that Gagá is chosen as the emblematic icon of Haitian identity in Cuba, or placed in a context that seemingly reduces or at best neutralizes its oppositional potentialities. In turn, Gagá has become increasingly enrolled in state-sponsored folkloric spectacles for locals and tourists alike and is the latest signifier of Santiago’s distinctive pluri-cultural identity and pan-Caribbean heritage. 5 Casa del Caribe, one of the leading cultural institution in Cuba dedicated to researching the traditions and historical connections between Cuba and the Caribbean, has through its programming been pivotal in popularizing and disseminating knowledge about the Haitian presence on the island. 4 However, since the mid 1970s, there have been concerted efforts by state officials to unearth and exhibit subaltern expressions. Its initial marginality in many ways historically mirrored the placement of Haitians and their descendants in both the spatial and social landscapes of eastern Cuba. 2 Initially cloaked in secrecy and maintained exclusively by Vodú sociétés, 3 Gag remained relatively invisible as a national cultural form. Gagá became part of the performance geography of Oriente (eastern Cuba) with the influx of labor migrants to Cuba during the early twentieth-century. Removed from the locality of the Haitian countryside and urban thoroughfares to the Cuban bateyes (agricultural outposts) and then to the city streets and stages of Santiago de Cuba, Gagá is one of the myriad cultural forms that now participates in several symbolic systems and performative contexts. In response, the Haitian president looked overwhelmed by what unfolded in front of him, with a smile on his face that bespoke the tone of such a momentous encounter. As they marched through the lobby of one of Santiago de Cuba’s premier hotels, brandishing the ritual flags of their lwa (spirits) and native homeland, they chanted, “ Aysien Nou Ye” (We Are Haitians), thus proclaiming their sense of belonging to a place they have never seen, but one that has shaped their existence and sensibilities for generations. The descendants of Haitian field laborers stomped their feet and danced joyously to the rapid petwo-kongo rhythms for the delighted mass of spectators. With each crack of the whip and sounding of the lanbi (conch shell), the melodious cadence of the baccines (bamboo trumpet) and tambourin (portable drum head) increased in tempo. The animated cast of characters with bodies donning brilliantly colored fabric strips and bedecked with ritual beads as spiritual armor, descended upon the crowd of dignitaries assembled to welcome then Haitian president Jean Bertrand Aristide during his visit to Cuba in June 2000. It started as a faint rumble in the far distance, but with each advance the multilayered sonic tapestry grew more intense, ushering the arrival of one of Cuba’s oldest Rara/Gagá bands, 1 Grupo Barranca. From Bush to Stage: The Shifting Performing Geography of Haitian Rara and Cuban Gagá Yanique Hume | University of the West Indies Introduction
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